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Widespread protests in Ecuador, sparked by cuts to fuel subsidies, reached a boiling point on Sunday. An Indigenous land defender was killed by Armed Forces, a government aid convoy was allegedly attacked by protesters, and 12 soldiers went missing. Meanwhile, the government continued to advance its plan to rewrite the constitution—an initiative that has further intensified public anger. Undeterred, the powerful Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities (CONAIE), which initiated the nationwide strike, announced Monday that it would extend the action.

CONAIE’s announcement came in the wake of a weekend of intense state repression. On Sunday, Efraín Fueres, a community leader and Indigenous land defender, was shot dead by soldiers in the town of Cotacachi while marching alongside other protesters. Videos of the incident show that after Fueres was gunned down, a companion who rushed to his aid was brutally and repeatedly kicked by military forces. Following the killing, the Indigenous Kichwa federation to which Fueres belonged condemned the “military bullets” that took his life and vowed to keep fighting. 

The wave of unrest in Ecuador has now stretched on for nearly two weeks, beginning on Monday, September 22, when CONAIE launched an indefinite national strike. The immediate trigger was President Damiel Noboa’s elimination of fuel subsidies—a crucial economic lifeline for Ecuadorians since the mid-1970s—even though Noboa had previously vowed to leave them in place. But the protests have since come to encompass a much broader structural critique of the right-wing government’s austerity, extractivism, and creeping authoritarianism. Noboa’s IMF-backed program of mass layoffs, spending cuts, and tax hikes has left hospitals without medicine, schools in disrepair, and municipalities starved of resources. The administration’s attacks on environmental protections—including the elimination of the Ministry of Environment—has privileged development over conservation. Meanwhile, Noboa’s plan to convene a popular referendum on the drafting of a new constitution, slashing funding for political parties, and reintroducing foreign military bases has proceeded through the intimidation of previously independent judicial bodies

An ally of the Trump administration, Noboa has responded to protests with unprecedented brutality. Human rights organizations have reported the disappearance of 10 people, nearly 100 injured, and more than 100 detained. Exploiting the Trump administration’s ongoing conflation of the “War on Drugs” with the “War on Terror,” Noboa has claimed that demonstrators are being financed by—or are members of—the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua, which has been increasingly labelled as a “terrorist organization” by right-wing governments across the region. On this basis, protesters have been accused of terrorism and locked up without trial, as is the case with the group now known as the “Otavalo 12.” 

The crackdown intensified further this week. The same day that Fueres was murdered, a government aid convoy was allegedly attacked by hundreds of protesters, resulting in serious injuries to soldiers and the reported kidnapping of 17 troops. Yet details on the disappearance remain murky. CONAIE has adamantly denied involvement in the kidnappings, and by Wednesday the soldiers had been rescued—though from whom it is unclear. 

Ecuador’s powerful Indigenous movement has a history of successfully pressuring government to walk back fuel subsidy cuts, as it did in 2019 under the administration of Lenin Moreno and in 2022 under Guillermo Lasso.  But Noboa has vowed to hold firm, declaring that he would rather “die than take a step back.” 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

THIS WEEK FROM NACLA

 
 
 
 

Venezuela: entre la “guerra” de Trump y la normalidad cotidiana

 

La retórica belicosa de Trump regresa, pero en las calles de Venezuela el ambiente es de calma más que de alarma.

Venezuela: Between Trump’s “War” and Everyday Normality

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Trump’s belligerent rhetoric has returned, but on the streets of Venezuela the mood is one of calm rather than alarm.

Mexico Can do More for Migrants

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Though constrained by U.S. threats, Mexico’s history demonstrates it can—and must—do more to protect the dignity of migrants at home and abroad.

Colombia’s Peace Court Delivers Historic Sentence Against Military Officers 

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The ruling by the transitional justice tribunal, though criticized by some victims, brings hope that the country may soon turn the page.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

IMAGE OF THE WEEK

Activists gathered in Buenos Aires on Wednesday to express their solidarity with the Global Sumud Flotilla, a humanitarian aid convoy bound for Gaza that was illegally intercepted by Israeli Occupation Forces. (Susi Maresca)

 
 

AROUND THE REGION

 
 
 
  • VENEZUELA-U.S. TENSIONS—Top Trump aides, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, CIA Director John Ratcliffe, and adviser Stephen Miller, are reportedly collaborating on a campaign to escalate military pressure on Venezuela. According to The New York Times, the effort includes leading members of the Venezuelan opposition, which could provide Washington with a legal pretext if Edmundo González—recognized by the U.S. government as the winner of Venezuela’s disputed 2024 elections—consents to intervention. On Tuesday, Trump hinted at the possibility of striking “cartels coming by land,” framing Venezuela as a narco-terrorist threat.  Maduro has spent the last week arming civilians and preparing to declare a “state of emergency.” Nevertheless, lost amid the rhetoric of invasion, everyday life in Venezuela goes on. As Ociel Alí Lopez notes in his recent piece for NACLA, Venezuelans—long accustomed to threats of regime change and a triumphalist opposition warning that the end of Maduro is near—are carrying on as always.

  • HAITI’S NEW MISSION—The UN Security Council unanimously approved a U.S. proposal to expand and transform the international security force in Haiti. The new “Gang Suppression Force” will replace the Kenyan-led mission that failed to contain the country’s spiraling security crisis. The operation authorizes up to 5,500 troops with an expanded mandate to carry out offensive operations independently of the Haitian police. As with the Kenyan force, it will rely on voluntary contributions from UN members and will not be considered a formal UN peacekeeping operation. While the announcement was praised, analysts have raised concerns that the new mission will replicate the structural failures of the current force of fewer than 1,000 officers. Diplomats and rights groups voiced concern over the vague definition of “gangs,” which could enable abuses, and called for stronger human rights protections. 

     

 
 
 
 

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