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Álvaro Uribe, Colombia’s right-wing former president, was found guilty on July 28 of bribing witnesses and procedural fraud. The ruling, which his team plans to appeal, marked a stunning potential end to the political career of a man who, at one point, had the approval of 80 percent of Colombians.

The roots of Monday’s ruling stretch back to 2012, when Uribe accused Senator Iván Cepeda of bribing paramilitary members to claim that Uribe and his brother Santiago had created a paramilitary group. In 2018, Cepeda was found innocent. Uribe, on the other hand, was suspected of having sent his lawyer to bribe a former paramilitary to retract testimony that damaged him, which led to the opening of an investigation. In 2020, to prevent any potential obstruction of justice, Uribe was sentenced to house arrest. In response, he resigned his seat in the Senate, a move that enabled the case to be transferred to the Attorney General’s office, then headed by an ally. After years of obstruction, the case finally went forward in 2024, when he was formally accused of simple bribery, the bribery of witnesses in a criminal case, and procedural fraud. On Monday, he was found guilty on the latter two charges. 

While Uribe has long been known to have ties to right-wing paramilitaries and drug traffickers, his outsized stature in the country lent him an air of invincibility. Indeed, Uribe has shaped the country’s politics more than anyone in the 21st century. As president from 2002 to 2010, he waged an aggressive military campaign against the FARC, the country’s left-wing guerrillas. His successful weakening of the guerrillas brought him immense popularity—enough to change the constitution and successfully run for re-election in 2006. But it was accomplished through violent means. Uribe’s war weakened the country’s democratic institutions, displaced millions of peasants, and offered cushy peace deals to paramilitaries responsible for far more deaths than the guerrillas. It also depended upon the commission of horrific human rights abuses, including a scandal in which thousands of civilians were killed by the military, many of whom were framed as guerrillas so that soldiers could collect cash bonuses. 

Uribe capitalized on the popularity he garnered from the fights against the FARC to birth a less-democratic, less equal, and more precarious Colombia. While he succeeded in attracting foreign investment, as president, he slashed the social safety net, railed against the rights of the LGBTQ community, and invited right-wing paramilitaries and drug traffickers into the country’s political mainstream. After leaving the presidency, he worked assiduously as a senator and leader of the far-right Centro Democrático party to tank the country’s 2016 referendum on a peace deal with the FARC. 

Uribe’s political project has shaped more than just Colombian politics. He and his party’s close ties to the United States, support for regional coups, and right-wing populism have cast a long shadow over the entire region. Uribe is, in many respects, the region’s original Nayib Bukele: a far-right politician whose “iron-fist” security crackdown brought a temporary boost in security at the expense of the rule of law and the rights of vulnerable groups. His right-wing populism, like Bukele’s, foregrounded a revanchist cultural politics in order to obscure the devastating social, economic, and environmental consequences of his fundamentally neoliberal project. 

While Uribe has remained a prominent political figure—shepherding into the presidency his protegee Ivan Duqué in 2017—in recent years, his influence has waned. By 2020, when the investigation into him was heating up, support for the former president had fallen significantly—as low as 10 percent in some polls.

Still, Uribe’s supporters in Colombia fervently defended his record and accused the judge overseeing his case of judicial prosecution. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio made a similar argument, posting on X that the ruling demonstrated the “weaponization of Colombia’s judicial branch by radical judges.” The Trump administration has recently made the exact same argument in the ongoing trial of former far-right Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro (see blurb below).

For those progressive activists who bore the brunt of Uribe’s war on the guerrillas and civil society itself, the ruling sparked pure jubilation. Along one of Bogotá’s busiest streets, an impromptu viewing party of the trial turned into a celebration after the guilty verdict. Graffiti sprouted up around the city conveying a dream of Colombians, young and old, that had finally become reality: Uribe Culpable.”

 
 
 

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Guest edited by Sabrina Fernandes and Breno Bringel, the Fall 2025 issue critically examines the rise of green capitalism in the Americas. In the lead-up to COP30 in Belém in November, we analyze how its logics and instruments are shaping policy and territory, enabling new forms of dispossession, and deepening historical inequalities. The issue also highlights the movements, communities, and visions from below that challenge these false solutions and point the way toward just ecosocial transitions.

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THIS WEEK FROM NACLA

Dictatorship Across Borders: Brazil, Chile and the South American Cold War (Review)

Ramona Wadi | August 1, 2025

Burns's book brings South American history to the fore, explaining the regional dynamics and economic turmoil that led to Salvador Allende’s downfall and the beginnings of Operation Condor.

Colombia Challenges Israeli Impunity from Above and Below

Abigail Kret and Gabe Levine-Drizin | August 1, 2025

As President Petro ramps up efforts to halt coal exports to Israel, activists push for decisive action and chart a new path for Global South solidarity.

Suriname Chooses New President, Considers New Paths

 | 

The election of the country’s first woman president comes after years of corruption and economic insecurity.

 

 
 
 
 
 
 

IMAGE OF THE WEEK

People gathered in Bogotá on July 28 to celebrate former right-wing President Álvaro Uribe's conviction on charges of bribing witnesses and procedural fraud. They convened in front of the "las cuchas tenían razón"  ("the old ladies were right") mural, a work of street art dedicated to the mothers of children lost to the country's armed conflict. The mural, which started in Medellín and spread around the country after that city's right-wing mayor called for its destruction, was updated in Bogotá with the words: "URIBE GUILTY." As if by divine intervention, a rainbow emerged as Uribe's sentence was made public. (L.L.)

 
 

AROUND THE REGION

  • U.S. IMPOSES TARIFFS, SANCTIONS ON BRAZIL—Brazilian President Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva gave an interview to the New York Times on Tuesday, his first in 13 years. With the threat of tariffs looming in the background, Lula vowed that Brazil would not “negotiate as if it were a small country up against a big country.” The next day, President Trump levied a 50 percent tariff on most Brazilian goods to punish the country for its current trial of former far-right President Jair Bolsonaro, which Trump has labelled a “witch-hunt.” The sanctions, which excluded crucial sectors like aircraft, energy, and orange juice, were announced the same day that the Trump administration sanctioned Alexandre de Moraes, the Brazilian Supreme Court justice overseeing Bolsonaro’s trial. Moraes, whose U.S. visa was revoked in mid-July, has been accused by the Trump administration of  “censorship” due to his aggressive tactics to remove far-right misinformation from the internet. He was sentenced under the Global Magnitsky Act, which is designed to punish serious human-rights violations and corruption. Brazilians from across the political spectrum denounced the direct attack on the country’s sovereignty.  

  • MEXICO AVOIDS ELEVATED TARIFFS, FOR NOW—Donald Trump extended the deadline for a tariff deal with Mexico on Thursday, one day before elevated tariff rates were set to go into effect. In his announcement that Mexico would be granted another 90 days to negotiate a deal, Trump cited a “very successful” telephone conversation with President Claudia Sheinbaum. Trump’s reversal represents a marked shift in tone: two weeks ago, when he threatened to raise tariffs on goods not covered by the USMCA free trade agreement from 25 percent to 30 percent, he lashed out at Mexico for not doing enough to stop North America from turning into a “Narco-Trafficking playground.” After Thursday’s conversation, Sheinbaum responded with kind words for Trump in her morning press conference, noting that “Trump treats us (Mexicans) with respect in all the calls we’ve had.” Despite the chummy tone, the day before, Sheinbaum again demanded the immediate repatriation of Mexican nationals held in Florida’s “Alligator Alcatraz” immigrant detention center. The comments came after a Mexican diplomat in Miami visited the site and denounced the horrific conditions. 

 
 
 
  • VISA-FREE TRAVEL FOR ARGENTINA—The Trump administration has rewarded its most loyal ally in the region, Argentine President Javier Milei, with the promise of visa-free travel for his citizens. The announcement came during a visit to the country by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem. In a press release declaring that the two countries will work towards Argentina’s reentry into the Visa Waiver Program (VWP), Noem praised Milei’s leadership and his commitment to border security. In the 1990s, Argentinians did not need a visa to enter the United States. But, after neoliberal reforms and the pegging of the peso to the dollar under then-President Carlos Menem decimated the country’s industries, exacerbated poverty, and triggered the exodus of hundreds of thousands of Argentinians, the United States reimposed visa restrictions in 2002. It will likely take a few years for Argentina to formally enter the VWP. Chile is the only country in Latin America in the program, though that status has recently been threatened by the Trump administration due to Chile’s criticisms of Israel.

  • CHILE’S RIGHT-WING CANDIDATES FEUD—Evelyn Matthei and Jose Antonio Kast, Chile’s two leading right-wing candidates for the country’s upcoming November presidential elections, have been feuding. For weeks, Matthei, of the traditionally conservative Chile Vamos coalition, has denounced the far-right Kast and his followers for waging a “disgusting” misinformation campaign against her on social media by circulating doctored videos that call into question her mental acuity. Amid negotiations between Matthei and Kast’s coalitions on running joint parliamentary candidates, Matthei announced on Monday that members of her coalition were considering filing formal charges over the misinformation campaign. But by Wednesday evening she had walked back the threat. Matthei, has called the behavior of Kast’s Republican Party “authoritarian” and even hinted that she would not vote for Kast in his probable second-round match-up with left-wing candidate Jeanette Jara. Less than four months away from the country’s first round vote, Matthei sits firmly in third place according to polls. Kast, a staunch defender of Chile’s military dictatorship, currently holds a slight edge over Jara, the left-wing unity candidate.

 
 
 
 

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