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As development of Mexico’s controversial Maya Train rolls forward, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has declared the project, together with other infrastructure works, a matter of national security. The decree applies to the “construction, functioning, maintenance, [and] operation” of both the Maya Train and the Interoceanic Corridor through the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, another logistics megaproject in southern Mexico that has been billed as an alternative to the Panama Canal

The decree came in response to a Supreme Court decision throwing out a 2021 executive order to the same effect, although the earlier decree did not mention specific projects by name. According to the court decision, the 2021 national security designation violated the public’s rights to access information about infrastructure works. National security discretion allows projects to plow through objections and legal challenges. 

Resistance to the Maya Tren and other projects in southern Mexico, writes researcher Ana Esther Ceceña, has come from “both the affected peoples and scientists and specialists…as well as from local thinkers.” The response to such protests, she adds, has been “militarizing the process, to the extreme of declaring the works [a matter] of national security.” This, she says, is “total nonsense.”

AMLO has handed the military construction and administrative control over the Maya Train and another flagship infrastructure project, the new Mexico City International Airport, while also expanding the military’s role in domestic security. In doing so, journalist John Gibler has argued, the president “has built a closer relationship and granted more power to the military than even his bellicose predecessors.”

According to anthropologist Giovanna Gasparello, the militarization of the Maya Train has worked to “dissuade any kind of nonconformity and collective organization.” She adds: “The intimidation is clear when soldiers prevent ejido members and campesinxs from approaching or crossing the construction route to reach their crop lands, as communities in Quintana Roo denounced…in March 2023.”

As journalist (and NACLA Editorial Committee member) Dawn Paley has reported, AMLO’s focus on infrastructure projects like the Mayan Train “reflect what to some is an outdated and even colonial mode of politics.”

Meanwhile, The Intercept reports that AMLO's focus on infrastructure projects has stirred frustration in Washington. A leaked U.S. intelligence document laments that Mexico's deprioritization of bilateral issues in favor of public works and social spending will "probably undermine Mexico’s ability to follow through on commitments to stem the flow of irregular migrants and fentanyl to the U.S. and boost economic competitiveness in North America.”

The multibillion-dollar Maya Train is a 965-mile route set to transport tourists and freight between the Maya Riviera and Chiapas. The first train cars are due to be shipped to the Yucatán Peninsula in the coming weeks, and rolling tests are expected to begin in August.

In solidarity,
NACLA staff

 
 
 

THIS WEEK FROM NACLA

Amid Inflation, Costa Rica Workers Face Longer Workdays and Cuts to Overtime

Isabel Villalon | May 25, 2023

After years of neoliberal entrenchment, a proposed law is poised to erode longstanding labor rights in the private sector, making the working-class more precarious.   

Far Right Holds Chile Hostage

Carole Concha Bell | May 23, 2023

The ultra-conservative Republican Party won a majority on Chile’s new Constitutional Council, delivering a major blow to President Gabriel Boric’s transformative platform.

Gangsters of Capitalism (Review)

Cos Tollerson | May 26, 2023

Jonathan Katz’s book about the career of a decorated Marine turned critic attests to the symbiotic relationship between militarism and U.S. commercial expansion.

 

#NACLAFoto of the Week

On International Workers' Day, ANEP, the National Association of Public and Private Employees, faces a line of police officers on horseback during protests in San José, Costa Rica, May 1, 2023. Read about Costa Rica's pending labor reforms.

Credit: Isabel Villalon

*To be featured in NACLA's weekly photography column, please submit a hi-res photo and a short caption to info@nacla.org.

 

AROUND THE REGION

  • In Guyana, a fire in a girls' dormitory at a secondary school in Mahdia, a mining town, killed 19. Most of the victims were Indigenous students from rural communities. A 14-year-old student is suspected of setting the fire in response to her cell phone being confiscated and may face charges. The girls had reportedly been locked in for the night, and metal bars on the dormitory windows prevented them from escaping. A Stabroek News editorial calls the conditions “essentially a firetrap” for the girls inside. “Those in authority at various levels should have had systems in place to preempt the loss of life,” the editorial states. “They have failed. Abysmally.”

  • In Bolivia, Catholic leaders have admitted to being “deaf to the suffering” of sexual abuse survivors in church-run schools. In April, El País published the diary of a deceased Jesuit priest that detailed his sexual abuse of dozens of children in Bolivia and a systematic coverup. Since then, more than 200 survivors of abuse have come forward. Another Bolivian priest was detained last week over alleged abuse of seminary students a decade ago. Like elsewhere, "The Catholic Church in Latin America has systematically tried to suppress abuse complaints and scandals," according to a 2019 report. 

 
  • In Ecuador, electoral authorities have scheduled snap elections for August 20 after President Guillermo Lasso dissolved the legislature to head off an impeachment effort. Voters will cast ballots for both the Legislative Assembly and for president, with a runoff to follow in October if there is no outright winner in the first round. Elected officials will serve until the next scheduled elections in 2025. Lasso is ruling by decree, with constitutional court oversight, until the new elections. This week he signed a decree to boost investment with measures like tax exemptions. The powerful Indigenous movement CONAIE has vowed to protest unwanted decrees. Read last week’s newsletter and analysis from Pablo Ospina Peralta for more on Lasso’s move. 

  • In El Salvador, civil society groups have struck a deal with four opposition parties to back a unity candidate to challenge incumbent Nayib Bukele in the 2024 presidential election, El Faro reports. The negotiations, which some politicians have denied, brings together the rival traditional parties FMLN and ARENA alongside Vamos and Nuestro Tiempo. “The intention,” union leader Stanley Quinteros told El Faro, “is to present a single ticket that represents both the left and the right.” Bukele has vowed to run for reelection, even though the constitution bans consecutive presidential terms. Civil society groups have yet to choose their nominees. Once they do, candidates will register with Nuestro Tiempo, a party formed in 2019, to “sidestep the unpopular baggage of the traditional parties,” reports El Faro. Despite his authoritarian turn, Bukele remains highly popular, and any opposition candidate would face a tough race. According to El Salvador observer Tim Muth: “The purpose of a civil society candidate cannot be to win, but instead to use the candidacy as a platform for trying to educate the Salvadoran public about the damage the Nayib Bukele has done to the institutions of Salvadoran democracy.” The alliance would also seek to disrupt Bukele’s majority in the legislature.  

  • In Colombia, testimony from a former paramilitary commander has once again confirmed that the military and state institutions “actively coordinated” with the notorious Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC) paramilitary group in a counterinsurgency campaign, The Guardian reports. The testimony claimed the AUC intervened in the 1998 and 2002 elections and specifically named former President Álvaro Uribe for his role in a 2003 scheme to murder a local mayor in which the AUC served as hitman. Meanwhile, Uribe, long accused of paramilitary ties, could face trial for witness tampering in a case over his alleged connections to right-wing death squads. Today, offshoots of the AUC, nominally demobilized under Uribe in the mid-2000s, continue to terrorize rural Colombians, with Black and Indigenous communities especially vulnerable. 

  • In Brazil, Congress has moved to weaken the ministries of Indigenous peoples and the environment, key institutions in combating deforestation and illegal mining in the Amazon rainforest, The Guardian reports. Draft legislation approved at the committee level would ax the rural environmental registry from the Ministry of Environment and strip the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples of its powers to demarcate Indigenous lands. Separately, the Brazilian state oil company Petrobras is set to appeal a new ban on oil drilling near the mouth of the Amazon River. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Andre Pagliarini writes for The New Republic, faces a “a high-wire act” to balance policies that are both good for the economy and good for the climate. 

  • A new Associated Press report details how secret networks in Honduras—one of four countries in the Americas with a total abortion ban—help people access medication to terminate unwanted pregnancies. “Activists in the networks use code words, aliases, encrypted messages, burner phones,” according to the report. “Most don’t know one another, or any specifics beyond their role in the chain.” On March 8, 2023, International Women’s Day, President Xiomara Castro overturned a ban on emergency contraception, known as the morning-after pill or Plan B. The ban had been introduced under the de facto regime that replaced ousted president Manuel Zelaya in the wake of the U.S.-backed 2009 coup, making it the only country in Latin America to ban the medication. 

  • In Guyana, ExxonMobil has appealed a court ruling requiring an “unlimited guarantee” from the company to cover costs in the case of an offshore oil spill. The ruling, Amy Westervelt writes for The Guardian, could “change the face of offshore oil drilling throughout the Caribbean.” If the decision is overturned in Guyana, plaintiffs could take the fight to the Caribbean court of justice. But the case, argues financial analyst Tom Sanzillo, is more about economics than the environment. “ExxonMobil has the resources to clean up a spill,” he writes. “Guyana does not.” A consortium led by ExxonMobil raked in nearly $6 billion from Guyanese offshore oil last year.

 
 
 
 
 

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